Dos décadas de transformaciones de la nupcialidad uruguaya. La convergencia hacia la segunda transición demográfica

This article seeks to present the main trends in Uruguayan marriage rates over the past two decades. Although the study is based on the main explanatory lines of the second demographic transition (SDT) to interpret the evolution of the various indicators of family life, it is basically descriptive.O...

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Détails bibliographiques
Auteur principal: Cabella, Wanda
Format: Online
Langue:espagnol
Éditeur: El Colegio de México A.C. 2009
Sujets:
Accès en ligne:https://estudiosdemograficosyurbanos.colmex.mx/index.php/edu/article/view/1338
Institution:

Estudios Demográficos y Urbanos

Description
Résumé:This article seeks to present the main trends in Uruguayan marriage rates over the past two decades. Although the study is based on the main explanatory lines of the second demographic transition (SDT) to interpret the evolution of the various indicators of family life, it is basically descriptive.Over a period of approximately two decades, Uruguayan marriage rates underwent similar transformations to those that occurred in developed countries in the late 1960s. Between the mid 1980s and the early years of 2000, marriage rates were halved whereas consensual unions increased sharply among young people of all levels of educational attainment. In 1987, the proportion of persons ages 20 to 24 living in consensual unions accounted for just under 20% of the total number of young people who had begun their conjugal lives whereas in 2007, it accounted for over 80%. Concomitantly, the divorce rate doubled and unions (both legal and de facto) began to dissolve within increasingly short periods of time. Lastly, a slight postponement was recorded in the age of entering unions, which appears to reflect the social polarization in the marital time-frames of young people with different levels of educational attainment.It is a matter of debate whether the recent transformations that occurred within the sphere of family relations in Uruguay reflect a change in the pattern of values similar to that described for developed western countries. And the discussion is relevant insofar as in recent years, the Uruguayan population has experienced a marked process of social exclusion while cultural specificities and public policies have played a key role in the ways family changes are expressed. However, it is difficult to explain the similarity in the trends in family changes in Uruguay regarding those countries without referring to the overall pattern of family change entailed by the second demographic transition.